Thailand–Cambodia Border Conflict: From 2011 to 2025
Gunfire has erupted once again along the Thailand-Cambodia border in 2025, as both nations remain locked in a territorial dispute that has escalated into an armed clash. This incident is not the first time the border area between these two neighboring countries has turned into a battleground. Thailand has affirmed to the international community that Cambodia initiated the aggression by opening fire first.
This latest incident reflects the ongoing and unresolved conflict between Thailand and Cambodia. In the past, disputes have arisen over the area surrounding the Preah Vihear Temple, which led to a violent clash in 2011 during the administration of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva. The conflict prompted a complaint to the United Nations (UN) and ultimately resulted in a ruling by the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
Despite court rulings, negotiations, high-level meetings, and frequent references to ASEAN principles, this dispute has never been seriously resolved.
This article will take readers back to examine the origins of the major conflict in 2011, which reflects the current situation regarding the border dispute. It will also compare the two periods to explore how the events are similar or different.
The dispute between Thailand and Cambodia over the Preah Vihear Temple originated from differing interpretations of the border between the two countries, particularly in reference to the map known as the Annex I Map. This map was created by the French in 1907, following an agreement between Siam and France regarding the demarcation of their mutual boundary.
This map shows that the Preah Vihear Temple is located within Cambodian territory, even though, geographically, the border should follow the watershed line—or the mountain ridge that separates the flow of water. Based on this principle, the temple would lie on the Thai side.
The Thai side maintains that the Annex I Map was never officially recognized by the Siamese government at the time and considers it merely a reference document—not a legally binding agreement under international law. Moreover, it does not align with the original criteria agreed upon by both parties.
However, in 1959, Cambodia brought the case before the International Court of Justice, using the map as key evidence to support its claim that the Preah Vihear Temple should be located within Cambodian territory. This map directly impacted Thailand’s sovereignty.
The International Court of Justice considered that, although the map might be subject to dispute, the important point was that Thailand had never formally protested the map over several decades. Moreover, Thailand’s past actions were deemed an implicit acceptance that the temple was located within Cambodian territory—for example, Thailand did not object when the French raised the Cambodian flag at the temple or when French officials took responsibility for managing the area.
Therefore, on June 15, 1962, the International Court of Justice ruled that the Preah Vihear Temple is located within Cambodian territory. The court ordered Thailand to withdraw its military, police, and officials from the temple area, as well as to return any antiquities that had been removed.
However, although the ruling clearly stated that the temple itself belongs to Cambodia, it did not specify the boundaries of the surrounding area—approximately 4.6 to 4.8 square kilometers—with particular ambiguity regarding the access route from the Thai side. According to the Annex I Map, the border line cuts across this access route, whereas if the watershed principle is applied, it would fall within Thai territory.
This ambiguity became the root cause of later disputes, especially as both Thailand and Cambodia interpreted the International Court of Justice’s ruling in ways that favored their own interests. When Cambodia subsequently had the Preah Vihear Temple inscribed as a World Heritage Site, tensions escalated further, leading to clashes in 2008 and even more severe conflicts in 2011.
References: The Cambodia Daily
The Origins of the Renewed Dispute Began in 2007
The renewed conflict began in 2007 when Cambodia submitted a request to UNESCO to list the Preah Vihear Temple as a World Heritage Site on January 30, 2006. The application included an annexed map that overlapped with Thailand’s disputed territory during the 2007–2008 period. This sparked tensions along the border and also stirred political unrest within Thailand.
Thailand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs attempted to negotiate with Cambodia regarding the overlapping area shown in the map. Thailand proposed a joint nomination of the archaeological site surrounding Preah Vihear Temple as a World Heritage Site, encompassing both the temple on Cambodia’s side and archaeological areas on the Thai side. The aim was to present the site as a shared cultural heritage and to prevent any impact on Thai sovereignty.
However, Cambodia rejected the joint nomination and proceeded with a unilateral application. As a result, on May 14, 2008, Thai Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama met with Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An and agreed to revise the annexed map attached to the application. The revised map would limit the proposed World Heritage area to only the temple structure itself—as determined by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 1962—excluding the surrounding disputed territory.
Upon receiving the revised map on June 5, 2008, the Royal Thai Survey Department confirmed that it did not encroach upon Thai territory. Consequently, the Thai Cabinet approved the signing of a document known as the Joint Communiqué, in which Thailand agreed not to object to Cambodia’s nomination. The agreement was signed on June 18, 2008.
However, once news of the signing became public, it triggered widespread discontent, particularly from the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD), which accused the government of betraying the nation, acting without transparency, and violating Article 190 of the Thai Constitution. This article stipulates that any international agreement must receive prior approval from the parliament.
On June 24, 2008, nine PAD representatives filed a petition with the Central Administrative Court, requesting an injunction to suspend the Cabinet resolution endorsing the Joint Communiqué, citing potential implications for Thai sovereignty. They also submitted a petition with more than 33,000 citizen signatures opposing the World Heritage listing to the Thai government.
The Central Administrative Court conducted an urgent hearing lasting over ten hours. On June 28, 2008, it issued a temporary injunction ordering the Cabinet and Ministry of Foreign Affairs to halt all actions until a final verdict was reached or a new order was issued. The court also instructed the withdrawal of the signed Joint Communiqué, both with Cambodia and UNESCO.
Nevertheless, despite the Thai court’s order, on July 8, 2008, the World Heritage Committee, meeting in Quebec City, Canada, approved Cambodia’s application to list the Preah Vihear Temple as a World Heritage Site. This decision intensified the political crisis in Thailand.
The PAD used this issue as a central platform to attack the government of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, turning it into one of the key factors contributing to the political pressure on his administration.
On September 29, 2009, the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) ruled, by a vote of 6 to 3, that Samak Sundaravej and Noppadon Pattama had violated Section 157 of the Thai Criminal Code for misconduct and dereliction of duty by submitting the Joint Communiqué without parliamentary approval. The case was forwarded to the Supreme Court’s Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions.
Although the Joint Communiqué incident created intense political pressure, Samak Sundaravej eventually left office over a separate ethical case and was not prosecuted in relation to this matter. Meanwhile, Noppadon Pattama was impeached by the Senate, but was later acquitted by the Supreme Court.
References: Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Although the administration of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej had already come to an end, many in the public still believed that Thailand had taken a conciliatory stance toward Cambodia. This sentiment carried over into the administration of his successor, Somchai Wongsawat, who also faced growing tensions along the Thai–Cambodian border, particularly around the Preah Vihear Temple area. These tensions escalated into armed clashes from 2008 to 2011.
In October 2008, Thai and Cambodian troops engaged in their first exchange of live fire, resulting in casualties on both sides. Heavy weapons, such as artillery and grenade launchers, were used. The situation grew increasingly tense amid Thailand's own political instability, as the country saw several changes in prime minister.
At the end of 2008, Abhisit Vejjajiva became prime minister. Under his leadership, Thailand’s position became more assertive. The government opposed Cambodia’s unilateral World Heritage listing of the Preah Vihear Temple, arguing that the map Cambodia submitted to UNESCO included territory that Thailand considered disputed. As a result, Thailand did not endorse the proposed map and called for negotiations to jointly develop a management plan.
Between 2009 and 2010, clashes continued sporadically along the border. Political tensions were further inflamed when former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was appointed as an economic advisor to the Cambodian government. This move angered the Abhisit administration and severely strained diplomatic relations between the two countries, even leading both sides to recall their ambassadors.
In early 2011, the conflict escalated further, with artillery fire and clashes occurring near the temple, causing some damage to the historic site. UNESCO issued a statement calling for a ceasefire and urging both countries to cooperate in protecting the World Heritage Site.
On April 28, 2011, Cambodia submitted a request to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for an interpretation of its 1962 ruling, seeking clarification on the boundaries surrounding the temple and asserting its sovereignty over the area.
The prolonged conflict prompted proposals for third-party mediation. Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, serving as ASEAN chair at the time, offered to mediate. Cambodia agreed to this proposal, but Thailand insisted on bilateral negotiations only.
On July 18, 2011, the ICJ issued a provisional order instructing both countries to withdraw their troops from the disputed area surrounding the temple and to establish a provisional demilitarized zone. The court also authorized Indonesian observers to monitor the situation on the ground.
Later, on November 11, 2013, the ICJ issued its interpretation of the 1962 judgment, reaffirming that the temple itself lies within Cambodian territory. However, the court did not determine ownership of the approximately 4.6 square kilometers of surrounding disputed land, stating that the matter should be resolved through mutual agreement between the two countries.
Not long after, political shifts occurred in both Thailand and Cambodia. The new governments adopted a more diplomatic approach and focused on de-escalating tensions. The Thailand–Cambodia Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) resumed its work in the mid-2010s, aiming to find peaceful solutions regarding the boundary and shared use of the disputed area.
The clashes between 2008 and 2011 resulted in at least 34 deaths, including both Thai and Cambodian military personnel and civilians.
References: Khmerization
New Flashpoint, Same Old Dispute
References : https://thestandard.co/thai-cambodia-border-conflict-2011-2025/
After 2013, violence along the Thai–Cambodian border had subsided and peace prevailed for many years. However, on February 13, 2025, a group of Cambodians came to sing their national anthem at Ta Muen Thom Temple in Surin Province—an area that remains under dispute. This symbolic act raised questions among many Thais as to whether Cambodia was expressing a territorial claim over the area.
Then, on May 28, 2025, a skirmish broke out between Thai and Cambodian troops near Chong Bok, a location within the Emerald Triangle region of Ubon Ratchathani Province. The clash lasted for about 10 minutes before a ceasefire was successfully negotiated.
Subsequently, Cambodia’s Ministry of National Defense issued a statement claiming that Thai forces had initiated the gunfire and confirmed that one Cambodian soldier had died. On May 29, 2025, Thailand’s Army Commander-in-Chief, General Phana Klaewplotthok, traveled to meet with his Cambodian counterpart, General Mao Sophan. Both sides agreed to resolve the issue through the established mechanism of the Thai–Cambodian Joint Boundary Commission (JBC).
However, on May 30, 2025, former Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen posted on Facebook, affirming that Cambodia would not withdraw its troops from the Emerald Triangle, asserting that the area belongs to Cambodia. He stated that the matter should be resolved by the International Court of Justice (ICJ), despite the agreement to negotiate through the JBC mechanism—Thailand's preferred and consistent diplomatic approach.
On June 4, 2025, Cambodia issued a statement announcing its intention to bring the border clash before the ICJ. The submission would also include the territorial disputes surrounding Ta Muen Thom Temple, Ta Muen Tot Temple, and Ta Kwai Temple. Meanwhile, the Thai government at the time continued to assert that the border situation remained calm and reaffirmed plans to proceed with JBC negotiations on June 14, 2025. Thailand maintained that it does not recognize the ICJ’s jurisdiction over the matter. Border checkpoints between the two nations were then subject to restricted opening and closing times.
The situation appeared to deteriorate further until the scheduled JBC meeting. At that time, Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra announced that the meeting had produced positive results. Both parties reportedly reached mutual understanding within the framework of the talks. She emphasized that Thailand does not recognize the authority of the ICJ and that any legal action by Cambodia would have no bearing on Thailand.
However, the situation took a sharp turn when Cambodia released a 17-minute audio recording of a conversation between Paetongtarn and Hun Sen on social media.
The content of the recording involved discussions on border cooperation but also included controversial remarks. Paetongtarn allegedly referred to the Second Army Region commander, Lieutenant General Boonsin Phakklang, as being “on the opposing side,” suggesting that he made statements merely to appear impressive but ultimately harmed national interests. She also reportedly told Hun Sen, “If there’s anything you want, just let me know—I’ll take care of it.”
The leaked recording sparked widespread outrage. The use of familial terms like “niece–uncle” further fueled political instability. On June 19, the Bhumjaithai Party, a coalition member of the government, announced its withdrawal from the administration, citing an inability to accept leadership behavior that jeopardized national security.
On July 1, 2025, the Constitutional Court ordered Prime Minister Paetongtarn to temporarily step down from her duties. Deputy Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai was appointed as acting prime minister in her place.
References: Royal Thai Government
Border Conflict Reignites After a Decade
As political instability grips Thailand, tensions along the Thai-Cambodian border have flared up once again, more intensely than in recent years. On the evening of July 23, 2025, a Thai military patrol triggered a landmine in the Chong An Ma area, Nam Yuen District, Ubon Ratchathani Province. The explosion injured five soldiers, one of whom lost a foot.
In response, the Thai government announced a downgrade in diplomatic relations with Cambodia and immediately recalled its ambassador. At the same time, Lieutenant General Boonsin elevated Thailand’s retaliatory measures by ordering the closure of four border checkpoints: Chong An Ma, Chong Chom, Chong Sa Ngam, and Chong Sai Taku. Military readiness was also heightened.
Cambodia’s Ministry of National Defense later posted on Facebook that it had repeatedly warned Thailand that the area still contained leftover landmines from past conflicts. The post denied responsibility for the injuries sustained by the Thai soldiers.
On the morning of July 24, 2025, Cambodian forces opened fire across from the Thai base “Moo Pha,” located roughly 200 meters from Ta Muen Thom Temple. Thai forces attempted to negotiate by shouting across the border, but to no avail, prompting them to return fire. This initial clash quickly spread to multiple areas: Ta Kwai Temple in Phanom Dong Rak District, Surin Province; Phu Makheu and Huai Ta Mai near Preah Vihear Temple in Kantharalak District, Sisaket Province; and border points including Chong Bok, Chong An Ma in Ubon Ratchathani Province, and Chong Chom in Kabin District, Surin Province.
The fighting continued for more than five days, forcing tens of thousands of civilians living along the border to evacuate. Reports emerged of both military and civilian casualties, along with widespread damage to homes and infrastructure.
The Thai government issued a statement condemning Cambodia for targeting civilian areas, including the Phanom Dong Rak Hospital, local schools, and temples in Kantharalak District. The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that these actions violated international humanitarian law and could constitute war crimes. Cambodia, however, countered by asserting that Thailand had initiated the hostilities.
Before the situation escalated further, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, in his capacity as this year’s ASEAN Chair, offered to mediate between the two countries. Peace talks were held on July 28, 2025, at approximately 3:00 p.m. in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
Following the discussions, both sides released a joint statement agreeing to an unconditional ceasefire, effective at midnight on July 29, 2025. They also scheduled a meeting of the Thai-Cambodian General Border Committee (GBC), under the existing Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) mechanism, to be held on August 4, 2025, with Cambodia hosting the session.
References: Thai Khu Fah, Government House
The Shift from Past to Present: Revisiting the Same Dispute
The violent incidents that erupted along the Thai-Cambodian border in 2011 and 2025 stemmed from overlapping territorial claims surrounding the Preah Vihear Temple. Despite two rulings by the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the demarcation of the area remains unresolved.
The ambiguity of the court’s original 1962 judgment, along with the 2013 clarification, left the surrounding areas of the temple in continued dispute. Both sides interpret the rulings in ways that support their respective territorial claims, which has led to recurring military tensions.
From 2008 to 2011, Thailand experienced domestic political instability, with frequent changes in government—from Samak Sundaravej to Somchai Wongsawat, and eventually to Abhisit Vejjajiva. This lack of political continuity hindered the Thai government’s ability to respond decisively to the border conflict.
Amid these tensions, several military clashes occurred—most notably in April 2011, near the Ta Muen Thom and Ta Kwai Temples. These clashes forced thousands of civilians to evacuate and resulted in numerous injuries and casualties.
At the time, the Abhisit administration adhered to a bilateral negotiation approach and rejected the involvement of third-party mediators or international organizations, including ASEAN.
Despite a proposal for Indonesia’s president (then ASEAN chair) to mediate and send observers to the disputed area at Cambodia’s request, Thailand declined to formally accept the offer—likely due to concerns over national sovereignty and ASEAN’s principle of non-interference.
In contrast, the 2025 border conflict erupted again, this time near Chong Bok in Ubon Ratchathani province.
The clashes, which began in May, escalated tensions rapidly. However, the key difference from the past lay in the Thai government’s response under Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra. Both Thailand and Cambodia showed greater openness to multilateral negotiations, with Thailand reaffirming its commitment to dialogue through the Joint Boundary Commission (JBC).
Even though the Thai government was facing a serious political crisis stemming from a leaked audio recording of a conversation with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen—leading the Constitutional Court to temporarily suspend the Prime Minister’s duties and prompting some coalition parties to withdraw—Thailand accepted the inclusion of third-party mediators. This marked a major shift from its 2011 stance and enabled ASEAN to take a more active role in resolving the dispute, making regional agreements more than just symbolic gestures.
While Thailand’s approach shifted toward openness, Cambodia maintained its strategy of using the ICJ as a political lever. In 2011, Cambodia had petitioned the ICJ to reinterpret the 1962 ruling. In 2025, it repeated this approach by submitting the dispute for ICJ consideration once again—indicating a longstanding reluctance to engage in bilateral negotiations.
Looking at both periods of conflict, it is clear that the core issue remains unchanged: unresolved and unclear border demarcation.
However, the strategies to address the conflict have evolved—from the closed, bilateral stance of 2011 to a more proactive diplomatic effort and acceptance of third-party involvement in 2025.
Although the current administration has faced criticism for being too conciliatory toward Cambodian leadership, it is undeniable that third-party involvement helped ease tensions to some extent.
Ultimately, while both events involved military clashes, the critical lesson is that territorial disputes cannot be resolved sustainably through force or violence. Diplomatic negotiation, engagement with international mechanisms, and maintaining internal political stability are the true paths toward meaningful conflict resolution—without sacrificing lives or national security.
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